A street artist called Msale has taken it upon himself to create giant murals bringing public health messages directly to the overcrowded Mathare slum in Nairobi. With half a million people living in such ‘a squeezed area’ social distancing is quite impossible to achieve, says Msale, so he is providing information for people on how to keep safe from Covid-19 in the ‘simplest, clearest’ way he knows.
This article, by partly adopting a historical perspective, examines the introduction of new media in a Kenyan rural village, Kapkoi, and how it changes the communication ecology in the village. Further it explores how people in Kapkoi use and ascribe meaning to media. The article argues that categories such as gender, age and financial situation influence people’s access to and use of media and demonstrates how media use can simultaneously reinforce and challenge power structures. Moreover, it highlights the clear digital divide between rural areas and urban centres, and yet suggests that the introduction of new media is partly owing to the connection between the urban and the rural and that media and communications technologies sustain and increase the connectedness of the local.
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This guide focuses on four emblematic case studies: (i) media activism in Brazil and how favela residents use digital media to foster community engagement and active citizenship; (ii) art-ivism, the use of art to serve activism causes, and how Kenyan artists use digital tools to promote a dialogue around human rights and power structures; (iii) digital media for social good and how development organisations working with displaced populations in Syria use digital technologies to foster peace and reconciliation in the country; and (iv) digital media for active citizenship and how the state of Costa Rica is working with arts and technologies to promote inclusion and well-being among the youth.
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Background: As mobile phone access continues to expand globally, opportunities exist to leverage these technologies to support demand for immunisation services and improve vaccine coverage. The authors aimed to assess whether short message service (SMS) reminders and monetary incentives can improve immunisation uptake in Kenya.
Methods: In this cluster-randomised controlled trial, villages were randomly and evenly allocated to four groups: control, SMS only, SMS plus a 75 Kenya Shilling (KES) incentive, and SMS plus 200 KES (85 KES = USD$1). Caregivers were eligible if they had a child younger than 5 weeks who had not yet received a first dose of pentavalent vaccine. Participants in the intervention groups received SMS reminders before scheduled pentavalent and measles immunisation visits. Participants in incentive groups, additionally, received money if their child was timely immunised (immunisation within 2 weeks of the due date). Caregivers and interviewers were not masked. The proportion of fully immunised children (receiving BCG, three doses of polio vaccine, three doses of pentavalent vaccine, and measles vaccine) by 12 months of age constituted the primary outcome and was analysed with log-binomial regression and General Estimating Equations to account for correlation within clusters.